Sunday, December 14, 2014

Adam Zertal Favourable Towards Geography of Book of Judith

 
Taken from: http://adamzertal.co.il/articles/adam_zertal/HEFER.pdf


 
ARUBBOTH, HEPHER AND THE THIRD SOLOMONIC DISTRICT
 
Adam Zertal
 
Dpt. of Archaeology, Haifa University
 
 
Pp. 4-5
 
….
 
The Jewish presence in northern Manasseh … is well-attested in the book of Judith of the Apocrypha ….
The geographical background of the book, with the valley of Dothan in northern Manasseh as the focus of the events (Jdt 3:9-10) suits well the possible location of the third Solomonic district, with long continuity of the pattern of settlement (Zertal 1989, ).
Moore (1985, 47) underestimates the geographical value of the text, stating, as an evidence against the historicity of the text: ‘For instance, of the eight Israelite places named in 4:4, five are totally unknown, namely Kona, Belmaim, Choba, Aesore and the valley of Salem’.
But it seems that the reason for this is the simple fact that the territory has never been surveyed before, nor any candidates for these settlements has been suggested.
It seems possible now, as a result of the survey, to propose some new identifications for some of the places discussed above, a task the author hopes to fulfill in the near future.
….

Friday, November 14, 2014

Tiglath-pileser King of Assyria

2f37d-1-c66c1760be

by

 Damien F. Mackey

 
The following section on the necessary folding of Middle Assyrian and Neo-Assyrian history – king Tiglath-pileser I identified with Tiglath-pileser III – is taken from Volume 1 of my postgraduate university thesis:


A Revised History of the Era of King Hezekiah of Judah
and its Background


 
P. ix
….

Now, moving on down to king Hezekiah’s own century, my restructuring and shortening of C8th BC neo-Assyrian history in connection with Hezekiah in Part II, Chapter 6, by controversially identifying Sargon II with Sennacherib [for more, see: Assyrian King Sargon II, Otherwise Known As Sennacherib, which can be read at:
will be an original contribution, though undoubtedly much assisted by those who have argued for a more significant than generally accepted period of co-regency between Sargon II and Sennacherib. I am particularly indebted to Eric Aitchison in this regard. This basis (Sargon = Sennacherib), allied to the recognition of a necessary ‘folding’ of ‘Middle’ and ‘Neo’ Babylonian history, will enable for me to arrive at the radical conclusion that the so-called ‘Middle’ Babylonian king, Nebuchednezzar I, was in fact this composite neo-Assyrian monarch (Sargon/Sennacherib) in the latter’s guise as ruler of Babylon (Chapter 7).
Any such proposed syncretism, however, between a ‘Middle’ and a ‘Neo’ dynasty Assyro-Babylonian king would have been inconceivable had not Velikovsky, and others, insisted upon the need for a merging of these two phases of Mesopotamian history. And the same general comment applies to my proposed merging, still in Chapter 7, of Tiglathpileser I with Tiglath-pileser III, as being the one king of Assyria. Though, in this specific case, I am indebted to Emmet Sweeney for his having argued this identification and for his having also provided a series of useful comparisons in support of it. And that comment applies yet again in the case of my identifying the ‘Middle’ Babylonian king, Merodach-baladan I, with Merodach-baladan II, the latter being the king of Babylon (a late contemporary of Tiglath-pileser III) who would become allied to Hezekiah against Assyria, and who will become especially significant in VOLUME TWO of this thesis. ….
  1. 7
What will greatly supplement all of this, however, will be the chronological merging of the so-called ‘Middle’ Assyrian history into the ‘Neo’ Assyrian period; a consequence of Velikovsky’s lowering on the timescale by about 500 years [henceforth VLTF] of what is conventionally late 2nd millennium BC history, approximately, into the early 1st millennium BC. A significant consequence of VLTF, when applied to the early part of Hezekiah’s reign, will be that the ‘Middle’ Assyrian king, Tiglath-pileser I, will now merge with his namesake – who I believe to be his alter ego – Tiglath-pileser III. ….
Pp. 181-183
We saw in our discussion of Assyrian history in Chapter 6 that Tiglath-pileser I stands out amidst a most poorly documented age of so-called ‘Middle’ Assyrian history that James has called a ‘Dark Age’. I suspect the reason for this is that the documents for this period are actually to be found in neo-Assyrian history. That:
Tiglath-pileser [I], son of Ashur-resh-ishi, grandson of Ashur-dan, is none other than
Tiglath-pileser [III], son of Ashur-nirari (var. Adad-nirari), grandson of Ashur-dan,
a contemporary of both Merodach-baladan II – in the latter’s early days – and of king Hezekiah of Judah.
Common to Tiglath-pileser I/III were a love of building (especially in honour of Assur) and hunting, and many conquests, for example: the Aramaeans, with frequent raids across the Euphrates; the Hittites (with the possibility of a common foe, Ini-Tešub); Palestine; to the Mediterranean; the central Zagros tribes; Lake Van, Nairi and Armenia (Urartu); the conquest of Babylon. Just to name a few of the many similarities. I think that historians really repeat themselves when discussing these presumably ‘two’ Assyrian ‘kings’. Consider this amazing case of repetition, as I see it, from [S.] Lloyd [Ancient Turkey. A Traveller’s History of Anatolia, British Museum Publications, 1989, pp. 68-69]:
The earliest Assyrian references to the Mushki [Phrygians] suggest that their eastward thrust into the Taurus and towards the Euphrates had already become a menace. In about 1100 BC Tiglath-Pileser I defeats a coalition of ‘five Mushkian kings’ and brings back six thousand prisoners. In the ninth century the Mushki are again [sic] defeated by Ashurnasirpal II, while Shalmaneser III finds himself in conflict with Tabal …. But when, in the following century, Tiglath-pileser III once more records a confrontation with ‘five Tabalian kings’, the spelling of their names reveals the fact that these are no sort of Phrygians [sic], but a semiindigenous Luwian-speaking people, who must have survived the fall of the Hittite Empire.
I think that we should now be on safe grounds in presuming that the ‘five Mushkian kings’ and the ‘five Tabalian kings’ referred to above by Lloyd as having been defeated by Tiglath-pileser I/III – but presumably separated in time by more than 3 centuries – were in fact the very same five kings.
To Tiglath-pileser I there is accredited a reign length of about 38 years, which is significantly longer than the 17 years normally attributed to Tiglath-pileser III. However, in Chapter 11 (pp. 356-357) we shall learn that Tiglath-pileser III was extremely active for at least two decades before he actually even became the primary ruler of Assyria.
After Tiglath-pileser [I] had sacked the city of Babylon, he placed on the throne there one Adad-apla-iddina (c.1067-1046 BC, conventional dates), generally thought to have been amongst Aramaean newcomers at the time [J. Brinkman, 1968, A Political History of Post-Kassite Babylonia, 1158-722 B.C., Analecta Orientalia 43, Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, Roma, p. 92]:
… Adad-apla-iddina …. During his reign, the Arameans and Sutians living along the Euphrates irrupted into the land … fomenting trouble in Babylon itself. Relations between the Assyrian and Babylonian kings remained friendly for the most part during this period of changing regimes in the south. Though Assyria may have assisted Adad-apla-iddina in gaining the throne, he paid the northern country back by later interfering in the Assyrian royal succession.
This Adad-apla-iddina has several notable likenesses now to our composite king of Babylon, Merodach-baladan I/II. Firstly, he came to power in Babylon during the reign of a Tiglath-pileser.
Secondly, though established by the ‘Assyrians’, he tended to bite the hand that fed him.
Thirdly, the name Adad-apla-iddina (var. Rimmon-bal-iddina) … is of identical construct to Marduk-apla-iddina (Merodach-baladan), though with the Assyrian theophoric in the former case substituted for the Babylonian theophoric in the latter: our ADP principle.
Brinkman’s account of Adad-apla-iddina above could perhaps even be a plausible explanation of how Merodach-baladan I/II actually came to power in Babylon: namely, with the assistance of Tiglath-pileser. And his having ‘Assyrian’ support would account for how he managed to survive for so long. Though, all the time, this wily king of Babylon apparently had his own agenda that would eventually bring about his ruin at the hands of his ‘Assyrian’ benefactors.


John Salverda: You may just as well throw in Tiglath-pileser II as well. He was the son of another Ashur-resh-ishi (II), the contemporary of another Jeroboam (I) and the father of another Ashur-Dan (II).

Family of Prophet Isaiah as Hosea’s in Northern Kingdom







by



Damien F. Mackey


 
 


The following section on the prophet Isaiah, on Hosea, is taken from Volume 2, pp. 87-89, of my postgraduate university thesis:


 


A Revised History of the Era of King Hezekiah of Judah


and its Background


 


 
….


Amos was called to leave Judah and testify in the north against the injustices of Samaria. (Cf. Micah 1:2-7). Most interestingly, Amos was to be found preaching in the northern Bethel, which I have identified with Bethulia of [the Book of Judith] (refer back to pp. 71-72 of this volume). Not unexpectedly, Amos’ presence there at the time of Jeroboam II was not appreciated by the Bethelite priesthood, who regarded him as a conspirator from the southern kingdom (Amos 7:10). Being the man that he was, though, Amos would unlikely have been frightened away by Jeroboam’s priest, Amaziah, when he had urged Amos (vv.12-13): ‘O seer, go, flee away to the land of Judah, earn your bread there, and prophesy there; but never again prophesy at Bethel, for it is the king’s sanctuary, and it is the temple of the kingdom’. Still, Amos may not have settled permanently in the north at this time, but may have waited until the fall of Jeroboam II and his régime in Israel and the onset of the long interregnum there.


Presumably Amos had chosen Bethel/Bethulia in which to settle because there, more than likely, he had Simeonite ancestors. Judith’s husband Manasseh would later be buried near Bethulia “with his ancestors” (Judith 8:3). This town would thus have been one of those locations in which the migrant Simeonites of king Asa of Judah’s reign (more than a century earlier) had chosen to settle; perhaps re-naming the place Bethul [Bethel] after a Simeonite town of that name in south western Judah (Joshua 19:4).


Thus Amos of Bethulia would become Merari, father of Judith; the name Amos (Amoz), or Amaziah, perhaps being linguistically transformable into Amariah, hence Merari, in the same way that king Uzziah of Judah was also called Azariah (1 Chronicles 3:12). We saw that Jewish legend names Judith’s father as Beeri. Now the names Beeri and Merari are very similar if Conder’s principle, “supposing the substitution of M for B, of which there are occasional instances in Syrian nomenclature” (as quoted back on p. 70), be allowable here. This vital piece of information, that Judith’s father was Beeri, now enables for the prophet Hosea, an exact contemporary of Isaiah in the north, whose father was also Beeri (Hosea 1:1), to be identified with Isaiah.


If these connections are valid, then Isaiah must therefore have accompanied his father to the north and he, too, must have been prophesying, as Hosea, in the days of Jeroboam II (Hosea 1:1). His prophesying apparently began in the north [S. Irvine notes that Budde has dated the “inaugural call of Isaiah” to 740 BC. Isaiah, Ahaz, and the Syro-Ephraimitic Crisis, p. 4, n. 11]: “When the Lord first spoke through Hosea ...” (1:2). He would continue prophesying right down to the time of king Hezekiah (cf. Hosea 1:1; Isaiah 1:1). The names Isaiah and Hosea are indeed of very similar meaning, being basically derived from the same Hebrew root for ‘salvation’ [… yasha]


 


- “Isaiah” (Hebrew … Yeshâ‘yâhû) signifies: “Yahweh (the Lord) is salvation”.


- “Hosea” (Hebrew … Hoshaya) means practically the same: “Yahweh (the Lord) is saviour”.


 


We can now easily connect Isaiah with Uzziah (var. Osias) [of the Book of Judith] through Hosea (var. Osee).


 


Hosea’s/Isaiah’s Family


 


Though no doubt young, the prophet was given the strange command by God to marry an ‘unfaithful’ woman: “‘Go, take yourself a wife of harlotry and have children of harlotry, for the land commits great harlotry by forsaking the Lord’. So he went and took Gomer the daughter of Diblaim …” (Hosea 1:2-3). Biblical scholars have agonised over the type of woman this Gomer might have been: adulteress? harlot? temple-prostitute? But essentially the clue is to be found in the statement above that she was a citizen of the ‘land of great harlotry’: namely, the northern kingdom of Israel.


A further likeness between Isaiah and Hosea was the fact that ‘their names’ and those of ‘their’ children were meant to be, in their meanings, prophetic signs. Thus:


 


- The prophet Isaiah tells us: “Behold, I and the children whom the Lord has given me are for signs and portents ...” (Isaiah 8:18).


- Similarly, the names of the children of the prophet Hosea were meant to be prophetic (Hosea 1:4, 6, 9).


 


[C.] Boutflower, who has written perceptively on Isaiah’s children, has rightly noted the prophetic significance of their names and those of Hosea’s children, without however connecting Isaiah and Hosea as one [The Book of Isaiah I-XXXIX, p. 49]: “Isaiah like Hosea had three known children, all of whose names were prophetic”. It is most unlikely, one would have to think, to have two great prophets contemporaneously operating over such a substantial period of time, and each having three children whose names were prophetic. The fact is I believe that it was just the one prophet, who may possibly have had six children in all. And Irvine has, in the course of his detailed study of the so-called Isaianic Denkschrift [‘personal memoir’] (Isaiah 6:1-9:6) of the Syro-Ephraimitic crisis, written extensively on the chronological significance of Isaiah’s children and their names in connection with this crisis for Judah [op. cit., pp. 141-147, 162-171, 180-184, 192-195, 229-230, 256-258.] I also appreciate Irvine’s concern for scholars to study the prophets (thus Isaiah) according to the “historical events and politics” of their time [ibid., p. 1].


Whilst this Simeonite family was not descended from the prophetic line, as Amos himself would testify to the priest of Bethel (7:14), it was certainly a ‘family’ from the point of view of its striking the same prophetic chord. Commentators have recognised a similar strain in the writings of Amos, Micah, Hosea and Isaiah, whilst having no idea of what was - at least, as far as I see it - their proper (father-to-son) relationship. Thus [P.] King has written, in regard to the prophet Micah [“Micah”, The Jerome Biblical Commentary, 17:7]: “... the influence [upon Micah] of Isaiah, also Hosea and Amos, is evident”. But it was rather Micah, as Amos, I suggest, who was doing the ‘influencing’; he upon his son Isaiah/Hosea.

Friday, November 7, 2014

Book of Job an Organic Structure in all the Old Testament




A reader has commented as follows on the article of the previous post

Job and his sons in Josiah’s kingdom



Dear Damien
 
I have enjoyed your paper. So, the most important Book in Holy Bible is The Book of Job for me, I have read it since I was 7 years old; probably now I am starting to understand its sacral essention. Therefore your great philological study has localised this Book in biblical context.
The Book of Job has been for me a parable, but if you have right, it would be an organic structure in all Old Testament. In this case I say: that is extraordinary.
I am not an expert, it is only my opinion, but if your thesis stands, the Bible studies will be more and more completed. Please be sure to keep me informed about the important steps of this paper's scientific way, I am very curious. And I will surf in your page, I am grateful for this experience. Keep the connection .... 

Kind regards ….



Damien Mackey replies:

You must have been something of a child prodigy to have been reading the Book of Job as early as 7 years of age. Congratulations!
My first encounter with the book would be more like 45 years of age.
I read it through and shortly afterwards read the Book of Tobit which my Bible contains. I believe that this combination was providential, because my realisation that Job and Tobias (son of Tobit) had “seven sons” led to further comparisons (possessions; ethical maxims; geography) that I believe enabled me to anchor Job biblically(your “localizated this Book in biblical context”), and historically(to Tobit’s C8th BC neo-Assyrian era, and down to the time of the “Chaldeans”:Job 1:17 – given Job’s very long life). See my:
 
Job’s Life and Times

You will actually find very few instances of “seven sons” in the Bible. Jeremiah 15:9: “She who bore seven sons pines away …”, may actually be a reference to Job’s tragic wife.
In the article that you have read I further identify the now aged Job (= Tobias), and his offspring, as king Josiah’s high official Shaphan, and his important family (when Assyria was fading and the Chaldeans were becoming prominent). And I fully agree with you that, to identify Job, “would be an organic structure in all Old Testament”. It would provide a solid foundation for the Book of Job, for, as you also say, “if your thesis stand, the Bible studies will be more and more completed”.

Sunday, October 12, 2014

Prophet Nahum as Tobias-Job Comforted



by

 Damien F. Mackey



 
A further possible extension of holy Job, now as the prophet Nahum.

 

 


This article pre-supposes my:
 

 

 

in which I had identified the prophet Job with Tobias, the son of Tobit.


The possibility of a connection between the prophet Job and the obscure prophet Nahum occurred to me only as late as 8th May, 2014.


Nahum is similarly, like Job (qua Job), quite lacking in genealogical details – though I believe that we learn a lot more about Job from the biographical information supplied in Tobit 1.


For Nahum, as for Job (qua Job), we do not have even the usual patronymic; and nor is any tribe ascribed to Nahum (to Job).


So, with all of these negatives, what might be the points for comparison?


 


The Prophet’s Name


 


The Book of Nahum contains the “vision of Nahum” (1:1), “whose name”, we find (http://www.biblestudytools.com/nahum/) “means “comfort” … Nineveh’s fall, which is Nahum’s theme, would bring comfort to Judah.)”. So far so good, but then this same article goes on to deliver the bad news that: “Nothing is known about [Nahum] except his hometown (Elkosh), and even its general location is uncertain”.


It is highly conceivable that Tobit’s son, Tobias, whose name I think pertains to ‘Abdias, Hebrew ‘Obadiah, “Servant of Yahweh”, a common name for an official, might have been re-named Nahum/Nehemiah, “The Lord comforts”, at the end of his trials, as Job, when he was, as we read, “comforted and consoled” (42:10-11):


 


After Job had prayed for his friends, the Lord restored his fortunes and gave him twice as much as he had before. All his brothers and sisters and everyone who had known him before came and ate with him in his house. They comforted and consoled him over all the trouble the Lord had brought on him, and each one gave him a piece of silver and a gold ring.


 


The Prophet’s Location


 


According to a tradition, Elkosh was in Simeonite territory and so Nahum would have belonged to this tribe; a view that I had pursued, but to no great ultimate effect in hindsight, in my thesis:



A Revised History of the Era of King Hezekiah of Judah and its Background
 

 

even to the extent of my having painstakingly compared, in Hebrew, the entire Book of Nahum to what I considered to be like passages in the Book of Isaiah (Isaiah himself I do believe to have been a Simeonite).


Far more promising, I now believe, is the opinion that Nahum’s “Elkosh” stands for Al Qosh (Qush), a town situated in northern Iraq, about 25 miles north of modern day Mosul, a city that is across the Tigris River from Nineveh. Thus, suiting my new theory, the prophet Nahum would have been a descendant of the northern exiles taken to Assyria in 722 B.C. (conventional dating). His tomb has in fact long been honoured at that very site of Al Qosh (http://www.myjewishlearning.com/holidays/Jewish_Holidays/Shavuot). {I shall say more on the tomb later}. A location for Nahum in Assyrian Mesopotamia would give added emphasis, too, to the prophet’s preoccupation with Assyria and Nineveh.


 


The Prophet’s Era


 


Whilst commentators are generally unable to locate the proper era for Job, there is far greater certainty attached to that of Nahum, who recorded the destruction of Thebes, or “No-Amon”, known to have occurred at the hands of king Ashurbanipal of Assyria, in c. 663 BC (conventional dating). Nahum 3:8: “Are you [Nineveh] better than No-Amon, which was situated by the waters of the Nile, with water surrounding her, whose rampart was the sea, whose wall consisted of the sea?” Despite the fact that Thebes was not actually by the Sea, Nahum’s description can be properly understood with reference to the Book of Job, for (http://biblehub.com/topical/n/no-amon.htm): “The description of No-amon in Nahum 3:8 seems to be that of a delta city, but yam, "sea" in that passage is used poetically for the Nile, as in Job 41:31 …”.


That is perfectly applicable to the topography of Thebes, situated on both banks of the Nile. Now, in a terrific article, it has been shown that the Book of Nahum intertwines marvellously for the most part with the reign of king Ashurbanipal of Assyria (c. 668 BC – c. 627 BC,   conventional dating) (http://www.biblearchaeology.org/post/2009/05/28/nahum2c-nineveh-and-those-nasty-assyrians.aspx#Article):


 


Nahum, Nineveh and Those Nasty Assyrians


….


 


The Date of the Book of Nahum


 


Scholars have long debated the date of the book of Nahum. A wide range of dates has been suggested, from the eighth century BC (Feinberg 1951:126, 148) to the Maccabean period, early second century BC (Haupt 1907). Yet, the book gives us internal chronological parameters to date the book. Nahum describes the conquest of Thebes (No-Amon) by Ashurbanipal II in 663 BC as a past event, thus the book could not have been written before that date. The entire book is a prediction of the fall of the city of Nineveh in 612 BC. Thus, the book was written somewhere between 663 and 612 BC.


A case can be made for the proclamation of the message, and writing of the book, about 650 BC. If this is the correct date, the Spirit of God used this book to put King Manasseh into a position where he could come to faith and bring Judah back to the LORD. Up until this point in the reign of King Manasseh, the kingdom, led by the king, was “more evil than the nations whom the LORD had destroyed before the children of Israel” (2 Chr 33:9). The LORD sent seers (prophets) to speak to the nation, but the nation would not listen to the Word of God (33:10, 18). While not named, one of the seers was probably Nahum.


 


The aged Tobit had also talked of “prophets” having been sent, but in this case regarding “Nineveh and Assyria”. And Tobit, too, supposedly mentions “Nahum”, though I myself would favour here the version of the Book of Tobit that gives, instead of Nahum, “Jonah” (Tobit 14:3-4):


 


But just before Tobit died, he sent for his son Tobias and told him, ‘My son, take your children and go at once to Media. I believe that God's judgment which his prophet Nahum [read Jonah] announced against Nineveh is about to take place. Everything that God's prophets told Israel about Nineveh and Assyria will happen. It will all come true, every word of it, when the right time comes. I am absolutely convinced that everything God has said is sure to come true. God does not break his promises. It will be safer for you in Media than in Assyria or Babylon’.


 


P. Reardon, who accepts the “Jonah” version, interestingly (in my context) points to the likeness between the Book of Tobit and the Book of Jonah, on the one hand, and also the Book of Job (http://www.touchstonemag.com/archives/article.php?id=12-02-036-f#ixzz3):


 


…. The world of Tobit is, first of all, the world of biblical literature and history. Not only does the book provide an elaborate description of the religious deterioration of the Northern Kingdom in the eighth century, and then the deportation and consequent social conditions of those tribes after 722, but it explicitly … makes reference (14:4) to the preaching of Jonah at Nineveh…. Tobit thus presupposes the history narrated in Kings, Chronicles, and the eighth-century prophets.


 


Tobit’s explicit reference to Jonah is of considerable interest in the light of certain affinities between the two books. First and second, both stories take place about the same time … and both in Mesopotamia. Third, both accounts involve a journey. Fourth, the distressed Tobit, like Jonah, prays to die. Fifth and most strikingly, his son Tobias encounters a fish that attempts—with less success than Jonah’s fish—to swallow him! Finally, in each book the fish serves as a special instrument of Divine Providence.


 


Besides Jonah, Tobit shows several remarkable affinities to the Book of Job, some of which were noted rather early in Christian exegesis. For example, the title characters of both works shared a zeal for purity of life, almsgiving, and other deeds of charity (Job 1 and 31; Tobit 1–2), patient endurance of trials sent by God … a deep weariness of life itself (Job 7:15; Tobit 3:6), a final vindication by the Lord at the end of each book, and perhaps even a common hope of the resurrection…. As early as Cyprian in the third century, it was also noted that both men were similarly mocked by wives unable to appreciate their virtue and faith in God. ….


 


Now, returning to the article, “Nahum, Nineveh and Those Nasty Assyrians”:


 


[Nahum’s] vision concerning the total destruction of Nineveh would be seen by the Assyrian overlords as fomenting rebellion and insurrection, and possibly seen as support for Shamash-shum-ukin, the king of Babylon, in his current civil war with his brother Ashurbanipal II. If a copy of the book of Nahum fell into the hands of the Assyrian intelligence community stationed at the Assyrian administrative centers of Samaria, Dor, Megiddo or Hazor, King Manasseh would have had to give account for this book. The Biblical record states, the LORD brought upon them [Judah] the captains of the army of the king of Assyria, who took Manasseh with hooks, bound him with bronze fetters, and carried him off to Babylon (2 Chr 33:11).


 


This event would have transpired in 648 BC, the year that Ashurbanipal II temporarily ruled Babylon after he eliminated his brother as a result of the four-year civil war (Rainey 1993:160).


Dragging someone off with hooks in their nose would be in keeping with Ashurbanipal’s character. In the excavations of Sam’al (Zincirli, in southern Turkey) a stela was found depicting Esarhaddon holding two leashes attached to the nose-rings of Baal of Tyre and Usanahuru, a crown prince of Egypt (see front cover). Flanking the stela, watching intently, is Esarhaddon’s son Ashurbanipal on the left and his brother Samas-sumu-ukin on the right. Ashurbanipal observed his father’s brutality and followed his example (Parpola and Watanabe 1988:20, 21).


During Manasseh’s interrogation by Ashurbanipal II (and it must have been a brutal one—the text used the word “afflicted”).


 


He implored the LORD his God, and humbled himself greatly before the God of his fathers, and prayed to Him; and He received his entreaty, heard his supplication, and brought him back to Jerusalem into his kingdom. Then Manasseh knew that the LORD was God (2 Chr 33:12–13).


 


What we find is that this King Manasseh of Judah, upon his return from Babylon, embarked upon restorative building works, including an “outer wall of the City of David, west of the Gihon spring in the valley, as far as the entrance of the Fish Gate and encircling the hill of Ophel; he also made it much higher” (2 Chronicles 33:14). And, according to the Nahum article: “This activity was in accord with what Nahum had challenged the people to do”:


 


Upon his return to Jerusalem, Manasseh began building projects in the city as well as elsewhere in Judah and removed the idols and altars he had placed in the Temple (2 Chr 33:14–15).


He also repaired the altar of the LORD, sacrificed peace offerings and thanks offerings on it, and commanded Judah to serve the LORD God of Israel (33:16).


This activity was in accord with what Nahum had challenged the people to do.


Behold, on the mountains, the feet of him who brings good tidings, who proclaims peace! O Judah, keep your appointed feast, perform your vows. For the wicked one shall no more pass through; he is utterly cut off (1:15).


The challenge was for Judeans to renew their pilgrimages to Jerusalem for the thrice-yearly feasts of Pesach (Passover), Shav’uot (Pentecost) and Succoth (Tabernacles) (Ex 23:14–17; 34:22–24; Dt 16:16, 17). There was also a command for the remnant that faithfully prayed to the LORD desiring to bring the nation back to Biblical worship and to bring the king to the LORD. They were to perform the vow they had made to the LORD. The Bible records a half-hearted attempt to return to Biblical worship, “Nevertheless, the people still sacrificed on the high places, but only to the LORD their God” (2 Chr 33:17). The only true place of worship was the Temple in Jerusalem, not the high places.


 


But is not this belief in Jerusalem’s Temple as “only true place of worship” pure Tobit, who recalls (1:4-9; cf. ch. 13)?:


 


In my young days, when I was still at home in the land of Israel, the whole tribe of Naphtali my ancestor broke away from the House of David and from Jerusalem, though this was the city chosen out of all the tribes of Israel for their sacrifices; here, the Temple -- God's dwelling-place -- had been built and hollowed for all generations to come.


All my brothers and the House of Naphtali sacrificed on every hill-top in Galilee to the calf that Jeroboam king of Israel had made at Dan.


Often I was quite alone in making the pilgrimage to Jerusalem, fulfilling the Law that binds all Israel perpetually. I would hurry to Jerusalem with the first yield of fruits and beasts, the tithe of cattle and the sheep's first shearings.


I would give these to the priests, the sons of Aaron, for the altar. To the Levites ministering at Jerusalem I would give my tithe of wine and corn, olives, pomegranates and other fruits. Six years in succession I took the second tithe in money and went and paid it annually at Jerusalem.


I gave the third to orphans and widows and to the strangers who live among the Israelites; I brought it them as a gift every three years. When we ate, we obeyed both the ordinances of the law of Moses and the exhortations of Deborah the mother of our ancestor Ananiel; for my father had died and left me an orphan. ….


 


Getting back again to the Nahum article, reasons are now given as to why some scholars would locate the prophet to Al Qosh (Qush) near Nineveh:


 


Nahum prophesied the destruction of Nineveh, the capital of the sole superpower, at the zenith of Assyria’s power and glory. He boldly proclaimed a message that was not popular, nor “politically correct.” In fact, most Judeans would think his prediction of the downfall of Nineveh impossible.


….


Nahum was from Elkosh (Na 1:1). Some scholars have suggested [Elkosh] was located at the village of Al-Qush … across the Tigris River from Nineveh. These scholars take this position because: (1) the names are similar, (2) the local Christian tradition holds that Nahum was from there and his tomb was there, and (3) Nahum’s writings show his familiarity with the city of Nineveh. Some speculate that Nahum was an Israelite captive who lived in the area and was an eyewitness to the city.


There is, however, the possibility that Elkosh was in southern Judah and Nahum was part of the Judean emissary that brought the yearly tribute from King Manasseh to Nineveh.


[End of quote]


 


Whilst I would entirely accept for Nahum’s home the Al Qush in Iraq, rather than some vague Judaean location, I should not, however, rule out the possibility also that the prophet Nahum (as Tobias/Job) may have had something of a roving commission on behalf of the king of Assyria, in the same way that his father Tobit apparently had once had, when serving the earlier Assyrian king, “Shalmaneser” (Tobit 1:12-14):


 


And because I had kept faith with my God with my whole heart, the Most High granted me the favour of Shalmaneser, and I became the king's purveyor. Until his death I used to travel to Media, where I transacted business on his behalf, and I deposited sacks of silver worth ten talents with Gabael the brother of Gabrias at Rhages in Media.


 


{Tobit’s “Media” was, according to my Job article, “Midian”, or the Bashan area}.


The Douay version of Tobit 1:14 seems to represent King Shalmaneser (“Salmanasar”) as having allowed Tobit virtually total discretionary freedom: “And [Shalmaneser] gave [Tobit] leave to go whithersoever he would, with liberty to do whatever he had a mind”.


That Tobias had himself been highly respected in Nineveh even in his youth, at least among the captives, may perhaps be gauged from the account of his and Sarah’s wedding there (11:17-18): “On this day joy came to all the Jews who were in Nineveh. Ahikar and Nadab, Tobit's nephews, were also there, rejoicing with Tobit. And Tobias' wedding feast was celebrated joyfully for seven days”.


The Nahum article continues:


 


While in Nineveh, [Nahum] would have observed the broad roads (Na 2:4), walls (2:5), gates (2:6), temples and idols (1:14), and its vast wealth (2:9). I’m sure the minister of propaganda would have shown him the wall reliefs in Ashurbanipal’s residence! These reliefs were intended “as propaganda to impress, intimidate and instigate by representing the might of Assyrian power and the harsh punishment of rebels” (Comelius 1989:56). Or, as Esarhaddon would say, “For the gaze of all my foes, to the end of days, I set it [stela] up” (Luckenbill 1989:2:227).


 Let us examine the reliefs from the British Museum that were found on the walls of Ashurbanipal’s palace and see how they illustrate the word-pictures used by Nahum in his book.


 


Blasphemy against Assur (Na 1:14)


In 650 BC, Nahum would have seen the newly opened Room 33 in the Southwest Palace of Nineveh (Sennacherib’s “palace without rival”) with the reliefs depicting the campaign against Teumman of Elam and Dunanu of Gambula in 633 BC. One Particular relief would have caught his attention. On it, Elamite captives are shown being tortured. The caption above stated, “Mr. (blank) and Mr. (blank) spoke great insults against Assur, the god, my creator. Their tongues I tore out, their skins I flayed” (Russell 1999:180; Gerardi 1988:31). These two individuals are identified in Ashurbanipal’s annals as Mannu-ki-ahhe and Nabuusalli (Russell 1999:163).


 


The prophet Job too, man of vast experience as he was, had witnessed such things (Job 13:1): “My eyes have seen all this …”. All what things? “All this” (Job 12:17-25):


 


[God] leads rulers away stripped and makes fools of judges. He takes off the shackles put on by kings and ties a loincloth around their waist. He leads priests away stripped and overthrows officials long established. He silences the lips of trusted advisers and takes away the discernment of elders. He pours contempt on nobles and disarms the mighty. He reveals the deep things of darkness and brings utter darkness into the light. He makes nations great, and destroys them; he enlarges nations, and disperses them. He deprives the leaders of the earth of their reason; he makes them wander in a trackless waste. They grope in darkness with no light; he makes them stagger like drunkards.


 


Whilst the Nahum article would have the prophet, in his first chapter, boldly proclaiming destruction to Assyria around c. 650 BC, at the time of king Ashurbanipal, some of Nahum’s invective may well have been directed towards an earlier period, when the blasphemous king of Assyria, Sennacherib, sent his Commander-in-Chief against the west (including Israel). Nahum 1:15: “Belial shall no longer pass through thee; he is utterly cut off”.


For a reconstruction of this campaign, see my Achior articles:


 
Ahikar Part One: As a Young Officer for Assyria.



 

and
 
Ahikar Part Two: As a Convert to Yahwism.


 




 
and
 

“Nadin went into everlasting darkness”.


 




 


Tobias/Job (= Nahum), as a cousin of the Ahikar (Achior of the Book of Judith) who had played such an important part in the whole episode, would thus himself have been fully aware of the famous historical incident that had culminated in Judith’s victory.


The Nahum article continues:


 


It was with great boldness that Nahum proclaimed,


 


The LORD has given a command concerning you [the king of Assyria]: “Your name shall be perpetuated no longer. Out of the house of your gods I will cut off the carved image and molded image. I will dig your grave, for you are vile” (1:14).


 


These words were a direct attack on Assur and the rest of the Assyrian deities, as well as the king. Yet Nahum boldly proclaimed the message God gave him, in spite of the potential threat to his life!


 


Similarly, Tobit’s charitable zeal had led to his having had to flee for his very life from the wrath of Sennacherib (Tobit 1:18-20).


 


The Fall of Nineveh


 


What would incline me to prefer my combined Nahum as Tobias/Job, rather than Nahum as Job’s cousin, Ahikar/Achior, is the fact that Nahum had apparently lived to witness the Fall of Nineveh (conventionally dated to 612 BC), an event that had occurred late during the reign of King Josiah of Judah (c. 641-609 BC).


Why?


Because we learn from the Book of Tobit that Tobias (my Nahum) himself had lived long enough to have witnessed it. This fact is narrated in the last chapter of the book, just after we learn about Tobit’s own death and burial. Note here, firstly, how old Tobit berates wicked Nineveh in terms that would be right at home in the Book of Nahum (Tobit 14:9-10, 11-15): 


 


'So then, my son, leave Nineveh, do not stay here. As soon as you have buried your mother next to me, go the same day, whenever it may be, and do not linger in this country where I see wickedness and perfidy unashamedly triumphant. …’.


They laid him back on his bed; he died and was buried with honour. When his mother died, Tobias buried her beside his father.


Then he left for Media with his wife and children. He lived in Ecbatana with Raguel, his father-in-law. He treated the ageing parents of his wife with every care and respect, and later buried them in Ecbatana in Media. Tobias inherited the patrimony of Raguel besides that of his father Tobit.


Much honoured, he lived to the age of a hundred and seventeen years.


Before he died he witnessed the ruin of Nineveh. He saw the Ninevites taken prisoner and deported to Media by Cyaxares king of Media. He blessed God for everything he inflicted on the Ninevites and Assyrians. Before his death he had the opportunity of rejoicing over the fate of Nineveh, and he blessed the Lord God for ever and ever. Amen.


 


This is where Tobias, having fled Nineveh with his family for “Media”, that is (Midian) Bashan (“land of Uz”), morphs into the Job who will there be so sorely tried. And from where he will, as an aged man, reminisce upon his glorious former career perhaps as a high official for Assyria. Not that every one of Job’s trials must needs have occurred in that same Palestinian location, however. For, though the text of Job as it is typically translated thrice reads, in the space of three verses (1:16, 17 and 18): “While he was still speaking, yet another messenger came and said …”, as if Job’s calamities had befallen the poor man all at once, that does not happen in real life (though people can admittedly experience a sudden run of misfortune). As I have noted in previous articles, the Hebrew here can be rendered along the lines of, “while this was still fresh in human memory”.


Actual years may have elapsed between at least some of these calamities.


 


Another point that needs comment is the discrepancy between the figure of 117 for the age of Tobias at death, as given in the quote above, and the age given for him as the prophet Job (42:16): “After this, Job lived a hundred and forty years; he saw his children and their children to the fourth generation”. But that the figures are uncertain in both cases is apparent from the fact that, for Tobias, it varies from this 117 (Good News), to 127 (King James), whilst Job’s 140 years is rendered in the LXX as Job living 170 years after his misfortune, for a total life span of 240 years.


What appears certain is that our composite prophet had lived for well over 100 years.


 


The Nahum article proceeds to describe the Fall of Nineveh:


 


Chariots, Not Volkswagens! (Na 2:3, 4)


The second chapter of Nahum describes the fall of the city of Nineveh to the Babylonians and Medes in 612 BC. He describes in detail the shields, chariots and spears of the Assyrian foes. While we do not have any contemporary Babylonian reliefs of their chariots, there are Assyrian reliefs of Assyrian chariots riding furiously. These chariots are depicted on the reliefs of the Assyrians attacking the Arabs.


Nahum mentions the broad roads of Nineveh. Ashurbanipal’s grandfather, Sennacherib, was the one who improved the streets of Nineveh. In the “Bellino cylinder” he boasts,


 


I [Sennacherib] widened its [Nineveh’s] squares, made bright the avenues and streets and caused them to shine like the day (1:61).


 


In the context of the book, Nahum sees a vision of chariots in the streets of Nineveh, not Volkswagens, as some prophecy teachers have speculated!


 


Take the Booty and Run! (Na 2:9, 10)


Nineveh was the Fort Knox of mid-seventh century BC Mesopotamia. On every Assyrian campaign they removed the silver, gold and precious stones and other items from the cities they sacked. When they bragged about the booty that was taken, silver and gold always topped the list. As an example, after the fall of No-Amon (Thebes), Ashurbanipal bragged that he took:


 


Silver, gold, precious stones, the goods of his palace, all there was, brightly colored and linen garments, great horses, the people, male and female, two tall obelisks...I removed from their positions and carried them off to Assyria. Heavy plunder, and countless, I carried away from Ni’ [Thebes] (Luckenbill 1989, 2:296, ¶778).


 


There are also reliefs of Assyrian scribes writing down the booty that was taken from other cities.


 


In Nahum’s vision he heard someone say,


 


Take spoil of silver! Take spoil of gold! These is no end of treasure, or wealth of every desirable prize. She is empty, desolate and waste! (2:9, 10a).


 


….


 


The Lion Hunt (Na 2:11–13)


David Dorsey, in his outstanding book, The Literary Structure of the Old Testament (1999:301–305), places the lion’s den verses (2:11–13) at the center of the book’s chiastic structure. In commenting on the pattern of the structure he says,


 


This progression underscores the certainty of Nineveh’s fall: Yahweh’s prophet not only believes that it will happen; he composes dirges as though it has already happened. The placement of the eulogy over the “lion’s den” in the book’s highlighted central position reinforces this sense of certainty (1999:304, italics added).


Nahum used the lion and lion hunt motifs that both the Judeans and Assyrians would have been well familiar with. The Assyrians had a long history of depicting their king and warriors as mighty lions or great lion hunters (Johnston 2001:296–301). The Bible also depicts the Assyrian warriors as roaring lions (Is 5:29) and Yahweh as a lion who will tear up His prey and carry it off to His lair (Hos 5:14, 15; 13:7, 8; Johnston 2001:294, 295).


 


…. Ashurbanipal II, following in the footsteps of his predecessors, took charge of the lion hunts in order to control the lion population (Luckenbill 1989, 2:392, ¶ 1025).


Ashurbanipal also engaged in lion hunting as a sport. Apparently lions were captured alive and put in cages in the king’s garden in Nineveh and used for staged lion hunts (Weissert 1997:339–58). One relief that was found in Ashurbanipal’s palace at Nineveh, apparently from a second floor, had three panels depicting a lion hunt. On the top panel, a lion is released from a cage and Ashurbanipal is shooting him with arrows. The central panel is interesting because it shows the bravery of the king. On the right side of the panel, soldiers are distracting a lion. On the left side, Ashurbanipal sneaks up and grabs the lion by the tail as he rears to his hind legs. The inscription above says,


 


I, Ashurbanipal, king of the universe, king of Assyria, in my lordly sport, I seized a lion of the plain by his tail and at the command of Urta, Nergal, the gods, my allies, I smashed his skull with the club of my hand (Luckenbill 1989, 2:391, ¶ 1023).


The king attributes his bravery to the deities. Dr. J. E. Reade, one of the keepers of the Western Asiatic Antiquities at the British Museum, has observed,


 


It is notable that much of the lion’s tail has been chipped away, so that the lion had been, as it were, set loose; this defacement was probably the action, at once humorous and symbolic, of some enemy soldier busy ransacking the palace in 612 B.C. (Curtis and Reade 1995:87).


On the lower panel, Ashurbanipal is pouring out a wine libation over the carcasses of four lions. In the inscription above, the king boasts of his power by saying,


 


I, Ashurbanipal, king of the universe, king of Assyria, whom Assur and Ninlil have endowed with surpassing might. The lions which I slew, the terrible bow of Ishtar, lady of battle, I aimed at them. I brought an offering, I poured out wine over them (Luckenbill 1989, 2:392, ¶ 1021).


Once again the king attributes his mighty power to the gods, in this case Assur and Ninlil.


In contrast, Ashurbanipal boasts that kings and lions are powerless before him. At the beginning of one of his annals (Cylinder F) he states,


 


Among men, kings, and among the beasts, lions (?) were powerless before my bow, I know (the art) of waging battle and combat...A valiant hero, beloved of Assur and Ishtar, of royal lineage, am I (Luckenbill 1989, 2:347, ¶ 896).


Ashurbanipal has tied his lion hunting and military conquests together in one statement.


In the vision of Nahum concerning Nineveh, Nahum asks a rhetorical question,


 


Where is the dwelling of the lions, and the feeding place of the young lions, where the lion walked, the lioness and lion’s cub, and no one made them afraid? (2:11).


He sees Nineveh as a lions’ den that has been destroyed and the lions are gone. The “prey” in verse 12 is apparently the booty that the Assyrians have taken from all the cities they conquered in recent memory.


In verse 13, the LORD states directly,


 


Behold, I am against you. I will burn your chariots in smoke, and the sword shall devour your young lions; I will cut off your prey from the earth, and the voice of your messenger shall be heard no more.


 


God also refers to “lions” in his challenge to Job (38:39-40; cf. 28:8): “Do you hunt the prey for the lioness and satisfy the hunger of the lions when they crouch in their dens or lie in wait in a thicket?”


The Nahum article continues:


 


The phrase “the sword shall devour your young lions” draws our attention to another relief showing Ashurbanipal thrusting a sword through a lion. The inscription associated with this relief says,


 


I, Ashurbanipal, king of the universe, king of Assyria, in my lordly sport, they let a fierce lion of the plain out of the cage and on foot...I stabbed him later with my iron girdle dagger and he died (Luckenbill 1989, 2:392, ¶ 1024).


The book of Nahum sets forth an ironic reversal of the Assyrian usage of the lion motif. Gordon Johnston has observed.


 


The extended lion metaphor in Nahum 2:11–13 includes the two major varieties of the Neo-Assyrian lion motif: the depiction of the Assyrian king and his warriors as mighty lions, and the royal lion hunt theme. While the Assyrians kept these two motifs separate, Nahum dovetailed the two, but in doing so he also reversed their original significance. While the Assyrian warriors loved to depict themselves as mighty lions hunting their prey, Nahum pictured them as lions that would be hunted down. The Assyrian kings also boasted that they were mighty hunters in royal lion hunts; Nahum pictured them as the lions being hunted in the lion hunt. By these reversals Nahum created an unexpected twist on Assyrian usage. According to Nahum the Assyrians were like lions, to be sure; however, not in the way that they depicted themselves; rather than being like lions on the prowl for prey, the hunters would become the hunted! (2001:304).


 


The Nahum article then proceeds to a consideration of Nahum’s final chapter, on Nineveh:


 


Nineveh, a Bloody City (Na 3:1)


Nahum pronounces: “woe to the bloody city (of Nineveh)” (3:1). The city and the Assyrian Empire had a well-earned reputation for being bloody. Just a casual glance at the reliefs from the palaces of Sennacherib and Ashurbanipal shows the “gory and bloodcurdling history as we know it” (Bleibtreu. 1991:52). There are reliefs with people being impaled, decapitated, flayed, and tongues pulled out. Other reliefs show the Assyrians making people grind the bones of their dead ancestors, and even vultures plucking out the eyes of the dead!


One panel graphically shows their disrespect for human life. On it, a commander is presenting a bracelet to an Assyrian soldier who had decapitated the five or six heads at his feet. There are two scribes behind him recording the event. This bracelet, perhaps a medal of valor, is worth five or six lives! In Assyrian thinking, life was cheap.


Countless Corpses (Na 3:3)


There is an old adage that says, “What goes around, comes around.” The Bible would use an agricultural metaphor, “You reap what you sow” (cf. Gal 6:7). This is true in the geo-political realm as well as the personal realm. The Assyrians, over their long history, were brutal and barbaric people. Yet there came a point in history where God said, “Enough is enough,” and He removed the offending party (Na 2:13; 3:4).


Nineveh fell in 612 BC, yet it wasn’t until the 1989 and 1990 seasons of the University of California, Berkeley excavations in the Halzi Gate that graphic evidence of the final battle of Nineveh was revealed. Upwards of 16 bodies were excavated in the gate, all slain (Stronach and Lumsden 1992:227–33; Stronach 1997:315–19). Archaeological excavations have vividly confirmed the words of the Biblical text.


 


Horsemen charge with bright sword and glittering spear. There is a multitude of slain, a great number of bodies, countless corpses—they stumble over the corpses (Na 3:3).


 


[End of quotes]


 


Conclusion


 


My reconstructed Job, as Tobias son of Tobit, whose life began in the neo-Assyrian era approximately during the early reign of Sennacherib, and who must have (given his long life) continued down to at least the reign of King Josiah of Judah - when the sorely afflicted Job encountered the young Jeremiah, as Elihu (I believe):


 


Does the Prophet Jeremiah Figure in the Book of Job?


 




 


and


 


A Case for Multi-identifying the Prophet Jeremiah


 




 


 - and downwards even further, to very late in the reign of this same Josiah, when Nineveh fell (c. 612 BC, conventional dating), was a contemporary of the prophet Nahum, whose writings we have determined spanned the approximate period from Ashurbanipal’s destruction of Thebes (c. 663 BC) to the Fall of Nineveh (c. 612 BC).